13 December 2025

Re: [Rwanda Forum] Pourquoi le Rapport Mapping des Nations Unies sur la RDC a été enterré :

Amakuruyurwanda,
Bite ko Link internet iganisha kuri Mapping report watweretse idafunguka ngo kuko itakibaho, ni mwebwe myayi buyeho( bloquer) cyangwa ni ONU ifite iyo Mapping report? 
None ko twashakaga texte yayo kandi ko yari yarasohotse tubigenze dute?

Komera.

Le mercredi 26 novembre 2025 à 22:16:11 UTC+1, Amakuru y'u Rwanda <amakuruyurwanda@gmail.com> a écrit :


Pourquoi le Rapport Mapping des Nations Unies sur la RDC a été enterré :

Obstruction des États-Unis et du Royaume-Uni, défaillances de l'ONU, silence de l'Union africaine et marginalisation des victimes africaines**

Introduction

Publié en 2010, le Rapport Mapping du Haut-Commissariat des Nations Unies aux droits de l'homme fut l'une des enquêtes les plus vastes jamais réalisées sur les crimes commis en Afrique centrale. Couvrant la période de 1993 à 2003, il documente 617 incidents de violations graves des droits humains : massacres, violences sexuelles, exécutions sommaires, tortures, déplacements forcés et attaques systématiques contre des civils. Le rapport avance même que certaines attaques contre les réfugiés hutus rwandais et les populations hutues congolaises pourraient constituer des actes de génocide si un tribunal compétent en apportait la preuve.

Pourtant, malgré sa gravité, le rapport a été discrètement enterré. Ses recommandations – création de mécanismes judiciaires, commissions vérité, poursuites des responsables – n'ont jamais été mises en œuvre. Cette inaction ne s'explique pas seulement par la lenteur bureaucratique. Elle est le résultat d'un enchevêtrement d'intérêts géopolitiques, de pressions diplomatiques, de calculs régionaux, d'inerties institutionnelles et d'un profond désintérêt du monde lorsque les victimes sont africaines.

Ce texte analyse les raisons pour lesquelles ce rapport a été étouffé : le rôle déterminant des États-Unis et du Royaume-Uni dans la protection de leurs alliés rwandais et ougandais ; l'incapacité du gouvernement congolais à exiger justice ; la négligence de l'Union africaine ; l'auto-censure des Nations Unies ; et enfin un facteur essentiel souvent ignoré : quand les victimes sont africaines, la mobilisation internationale est faible, voire inexistante. Si les mêmes crimes s'étaient produits en Europe – comme en Ukraine – la réaction mondiale aurait été immédiate et massive.

Le résultat est tragique : un des pires massacres de la fin du XX siècle demeure impuni, et son ombre continue d'alimenter l'instabilité dans toute la région des Grands Lacs.

Lire la suite :

https://africacontext.blogspot.com/2025/11/pourquoi-le-rapport-mapping-des-nations.html

Why the UN Mapping Report on the DRC Was Buried:

Western Complicity, UN Cowardice, African Silence, and the Devaluation of African Lives

Introduction: A Crime Covered Up

The 2010 UN Mapping Report should have changed everything. It didn't.

Covering the period from 1993 to 2003, this damning investigation documented 617 serious crimes committed in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)—mass killings, systematic sexual violence, torture, forced displacement, and the deliberate targeting of civilians. Most explosively, it concluded that atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) against Rwandan Hutu refugees and Congolese Hutu populations could constitute acts of genocide if proven before a competent court.

Yet the report was buried. Deliberately. Systematically. Shamelessly.

No tribunal was established. No perpetrators were prosecuted. No justice was delivered. The recommendations for accountability mechanisms and truth-seeking processes were quietly shelved.

More:

 

https://africacontext.blogspot.com/2025/11/why-un-mapping-report-on-drc-was-buried.html

 

 

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11 December 2025

[Rwanda Forum] Kagame a trompé les Députés, les Rwandais et la communauté internationale

Kagame a trompé les Députés, les Rwandais et la communauté internationale :

Analyse approfondie des déclarations de Paul Kagame et de la violation répétée des accords de paix

Aujourd'hui le 11/12/2025, Paul Kagame a lui-même déclaré devant les Députés que le Rwanda/M23 avaient lancé les hostilités et entamé la prise d'Uvira avant son départ pour signer les Accords de Washington. Il a ajouté que les combats se poursuivaient pendant la signature et continuent encore à ce jour.
Personne ne le savait : seul Kagame et ses unités militaires en étaient informés, conformément à son mode opératoire de dissimulation militaire régulièrement documenté.

Kagame reconnaît qu'il est allé signer les accords alors qu'il venait d'ordonner l'offensive sur Uvira, et que ceux avec qui il signait n'avaient reçu aucune information, les empêchant ainsi d'exprimer la moindre objection.
Ce schéma de dissimulation correspond aux tactiques relevées dans plusieurs rapports d'experts des Nations unies, notamment lorsqu'il s'agit d'opérations coordonnées par le Rwanda dans l'Est de la RDC (Voir : UN Group of Experts on the DRC, rapports 2012, 2013, 2022, 2023).

Lire la suite :

https://weimproveafrica.blogspot.com/2025/12/kagame-trompe-les-deputes-les-rwandais.html

 

Kagame Deceived the Deputies, the Rwandan People, and the International Community:

A Detailed Analysis of Paul Kagame's Statements and His Repeated Violations of Peace Agreements

Today, 11 December 2025, Paul Kagame openly admitted before Members of Parliament that Rwanda/M23 had launched hostilities and begun the capture of Uvira even before he travelled to sign the Washington Agreements. He added that the fighting continued while he was signing the agreements and is still ongoing today.
No one knew this: only Kagame and his military units were aware of the clandestine offensive, consistent with a pattern of strategic secrecy that has been repeatedly documented.

Kagame acknowledged that he went to sign the agreements while he had just ordered the offensive on Uvira, and that those with whom he was signing had been given no information, preventing them from raising any objections because they simply did not know.
This pattern of concealment mirrors what has been repeatedly reported in UN Group of Experts reports on Rwanda's covert military involvement in eastern DRC (2012, 2013, 2022, 2023).

More:

https://weimproveafrica.blogspot.com/2025/12/kagame-deceived-deputies-rwandan-people.html

 

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Kagame Deceived the Deputies, the Rwandan People, and the International Community

Kagame Deceived the Deputies, the Rwandan People, and the International Community:

A Detailed Analysis of Paul Kagame's Statements and His Repeated Violations of Peace Agreements**

Today, 11 December 2025, Paul Kagame openly admitted before Members of Parliament that Rwanda/M23 had launched hostilities and begun the capture of Uvira even before he travelled to sign the Washington Agreements. He added that the fighting continued while he was signing the agreements and is still ongoing today.
No one knew this: only Kagame and his military units were aware of the clandestine offensive, consistent with a pattern of strategic secrecy that has been repeatedly documented.

Kagame acknowledged that he went to sign the agreements while he had just ordered the offensive on Uvira, and that those with whom he was signing had been given no information, preventing them from raising any objections because they simply did not know.
This pattern of concealment mirrors what has been repeatedly reported in UN Group of Experts reports on Rwanda's covert military involvement in eastern DRC (2012, 2013, 2022, 2023).

He also admitted he was personally involved in the war for the capture of Uvira, while the international community believed a ceasefire was in place under the Doha Agreements.
His hidden offensive continued even as he was signing the Washington Agreements.

These admissions confirm a consistent historical pattern: Kagame never respects the agreements he signs, a behaviour already observed during the Arusha Peace Accords (1993) and throughout subsequent regional crises.

1. The Uvira Offensive Was Planned Before the Signing of the Agreements

Kagame acknowledged that the capture of Uvira was a premeditated military operation, not a spontaneous event.
This behaviour aligns with the modus operandi described in multiple UN reports documenting Rwanda's covert planning of M23's actions prior to any formal announcements (UN Group of Experts, S/2012/843).

Thus, while signing the Washington Agreements, Kagame knew that:

  • the peace commitments he was signing would not be honoured,

  • military operations were already underway,

  • he was engaging in a deliberate deception of international mediators.

Such behaviour mirrors previous violations, including Rwanda's disregard for the 1999 Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement.

2. He Signed the Agreements While Lying About the Absence of Fighting

Kagame's own statements reveal that:

  • international representatives at the signing ceremony were given no information about Rwanda/M23's ongoing military operations;

  • despite the agreements requiring an immediate halt to hostilities, he signed knowing that the war was continuing and that Uvira was under assault.

This constitutes:

  • diplomatic fraud,

  • a severe breach of trust,

  • a violation of international law, which demands good faith, transparency, and honesty in peace negotiations.

Similar patterns of deception have been condemned by:

  • UN Security Council Resolution 2098 (2013),

  • UN Group of Experts reports (2022–2023) confirming Rwanda's direct military oversight of M23,

  • Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, which have repeatedly documented Kigali's use of disinformation to advance military objectives.

3. Continuing the War While Signing the Agreements Constitutes a Deliberate Violation

Kagame admitted that the fighting continued while he signed the agreements. This demonstrates:

  • complete disrespect for the Washington Agreements,

  • no intention whatsoever to comply,

  • a deliberate effort to mislead the international community into believing a peace process was underway while military operations continued.

Launching a war in secrecy while signing a peace agreement is:

  • political manipulation,

  • diplomatic deception,

  • and a form of military cowardice.

Under international law, any party that signs an agreement while:

  • hiding essential information,

  • lying, or

  • continuing hostilities,

is considered to have intentionally violated the agreement.

This constitutes a deliberate violation of a peace agreement through deception.

4. Kagame Never Respects Agreements: The Precedent of the Arusha Accords

The violation of the Washington Agreements fits within a long-established pattern.
The Arusha Peace Accords (1993) provide the clearest historical example of Kagame's systematic refusal to honour agreements.

Key references:

  • Arusha Peace Accords (1993): Kagame and the RPF committed to power-sharing and integration into a transitional government.

  • ICTR findings: despite signing, the RPF continued military preparations and violated ceasefire commitments.

  • Scholarly research by Filip Reyntjens, Allan Stam, Christian Davenport: the RPF used negotiations as cover while preparing a military takeover.

  • French judicial investigations (Bruguière, 2006; Trévidic, 2010) point to strong indications of RPF involvement in the assassination of President Juvénal Habyarimana.

The downing of Habyarimana's plane — described in many analyses as the decisive act by which the RPF destroyed the Arusha Accords — triggered the collapse of the peace process.

Thus, violating the Washington Agreements is not an anomaly.
It is part of a long-term strategic doctrine based on:

  1. signing agreements to reassure the international community,

  2. continuing military preparations in secret,

  3. sabotaging negotiations internally,

  4. creating confusion,

  5. using military advantage once the world has been deceived.

5. Legal and Political Consequences

Despite claiming he respected the Washington Agreements, Kagame's admissions show:

  • he breached the principle of good faith,

  • launched a military offensive during peace talks,

  • deliberately misled negotiators,

  • signed commitments he knew were invalidated by his actions.

International law defines this behaviour as a deliberate violation of a ceasefire or peace agreement, including:

  • Article 26 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties,

  • internationally accepted norms of good-faith negotiation.

His conduct represents the intentional destruction of the agreements.

6. What Kagame Is Preparing Now

After the capture of Uvira:

  • he will immediately request a ceasefire,

  • he will pressure Qatar to restart negotiations between Rwanda/M23 and the DRC,

  • the DRC will be forced to accept due to lack of alternatives,

  • Kigali will control both the rhythm of the war and the negotiation timetable.

This pattern is identical to what appears in:

  • UN Group of Experts reports (2012–2023),

  • International Crisis Group analyses,

  • EU reports on the destabilisation of the Kivu region.

This is a never-ending cycle, and the DRC will remain trapped as long as the international community fails to recognise the systematic nature of Kagame's strategy.

Primary References

  1. United Nations – Group of Experts on the DRC: Reports 2012, 2013, 2022, 2023.

  2. United Nations – DRC Mapping Report (2010).

  3. UN Security Council Resolution 2098 (2013).

  4. Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), Article 26.

  5. Arusha Peace Accords (1993).

  6. ICTR reports and findings (1993–1994).

  7. Bruguière Report (2006) and Trévidic investigations (2010).

  8. Reyntjens, F. – Political Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda.

  9. Davenport & Stam – Rwanda: What Really Happened.

  10. Human Rights Watch – Reports on Rwanda and M23 (1994–2023).

  11. Amnesty International – Reports on eastern DRC and Rwandan involvement.

Kagame a trompé les Députés, les Rwandais et la communauté internationale

Kagame a trompé les Députés, les Rwandais et la communauté internationale :

Analyse approfondie des déclarations de Paul Kagame et de la violation répétée des accords de paix

Aujourd'hui le 11/12/2025, Paul Kagame a lui-même déclaré devant les Députés que le Rwanda/M23 avaient lancé les hostilités et entamé la prise d'Uvira avant son départ pour signer les Accords de Washington. Il a ajouté que les combats se poursuivaient pendant la signature et continuent encore à ce jour.
Personne ne le savait : seul Kagame et ses unités militaires en étaient informés, conformément à son mode opératoire de dissimulation militaire régulièrement documenté.

Kagame reconnaît qu'il est allé signer les accords alors qu'il venait d'ordonner l'offensive sur Uvira, et que ceux avec qui il signait n'avaient reçu aucune information, les empêchant ainsi d'exprimer la moindre objection.
Ce schéma de dissimulation correspond aux tactiques relevées dans plusieurs rapports d'experts des Nations unies, notamment lorsqu'il s'agit d'opérations coordonnées par le Rwanda dans l'Est de la RDC (Voir : UN Group of Experts on the DRC, rapports 2012, 2013, 2022, 2023).

Il avoue également avoir été directement impliqué dans la guerre, alors que la communauté internationale pensait au maintien d'un cessez-le-feu issu des Accords de Doha.

Ces aveux confirment un comportement historique et répété : Kagame ne respecte jamais les accords qu'il signe, ce qui nous amène à un schéma observé depuis les Accords d'Arusha (1993).

1. L'offensive sur Uvira était planifiée avant la signature des accords

Kagame admet que la prise d'Uvira était une opération préméditée.
Ce comportement est conforme au modus operandi décrit dans les rapports de l'ONU sur les interventions rwandaises dans l'Est du Congo. Les experts avaient documenté, déjà en 2012, que le Rwanda préparait secrètement les opérations du M23 avant toute annonce officielle (UN Group of Experts, S/2012/843).

Ainsi, lorsqu'il se trouvait à Washington, Kagame savait que :

  • ce qu'il signait n'avait aucune valeur pour lui,

  • les opérations militaires étaient déjà en cours,

  • un mensonge délibéré était en train d'être commis à la face du monde.

Un tel comportement a déjà été observé à de nombreuses reprises, notamment lors des Accords de cessez-le-feu de Lusaka (1999) que Kigali avait également violés.

2. Il a signé les accords en mentant sur l'absence de combats

Les déclarations de Kagame prouvent que :

  • les délégués internationaux n'avaient reçu aucune information sur les offensives en cours,

  • les engagements de cessez-le-feu étaient délibérément bafoués,

  • le Rwanda utilisait encore une fois la diplomatie comme couverture politique pour des opérations militaires.

Des pratiques similaires ont été dénoncées dans :

  • la Résolution 2098 (2013) du Conseil de sécurité, condamnant les soutiens extérieurs au M23,

  • les rapports 2022 et 2023 du Groupe d'experts, confirmant que des officiers rwandais supervisaient directement les opérations du M23,

  • Human Rights Watch et Amnesty International, accusant régulièrement Kigali d'utiliser la désinformation militaire pour faciliter des offensives.

  • Il s'agit d'un acte de tromperie diplomatique majeur.

3. Poursuivre la guerre pendant la signature constitue une violation délibérée

Kagame reconnaît que les combats se poursuivaient pendant la signature. Ce comportement est une violation directe du droit international, en particulier :

  • l'Article 26 de la Convention de Vienne sur le droit des traités (pacta sunt servanda),

  • l'obligation de bonne foi dans les processus de paix,

  • la règle fondamentale interdisant la tromperie volontaire lors de négociations officielles.

Cette stratégie a été observée à plusieurs reprises dans l'histoire du FPR.
Le rapport Mapping Report des Nations unies (2010) décrit en détail l'utilisation par le FPR :

  • de la dissimulation,

  • de la ruse militaire,

  • et du contournement des engagements signés.

4. Kagame ne respecte jamais les accords : le précédent des Accords d'Arusha

Les Accords d'Arusha (1993) sont le premier exemple majeur de non-respect des accords de paix par Kagame.

Références essentielles :

  • Accords d'Arusha pour la Paix au Rwanda (1993) : engagement formel au partage du pouvoir et à l'intégration des forces.

  • Rapport de l'ICTR (Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda) : le FPR a continué les hostilités malgré le cessez-le-feu.

  • Rapports de chercheurs comme Filip Reyntjens, Allan Stam et Christian Davenport : le FPR utilisait les négociations comme couverture pour préparer une prise de pouvoir militaire.

  • Expertise technique du juge Bruguière (2006) et du juge Trévidic (2010) : pistes sérieuses sur l'implication du FPR dans l'attentat contre l'avion du président Habyarimana.

L'assassinat du président Habyarimana — événement qui a fait voler en éclats les accords — est décrit dans plusieurs analyses comme l'acte clé par lequel le FPR a détruit Arusha pour imposer la solution militaire.

Ainsi, violer les Accords de Washington n'est pas un accident :
c'est la continuité d'un modèle de gouvernance basé sur la dissimulation, la manipulation diplomatique et la violence politique.

5. Conséquences juridiques et politiques

Même si Kagame nie la violation des accords, ses propres déclarations prouvent :

  • qu'il a violé le principe de bonne foi,

  • qu'il a lancé une offensive pendant un processus de paix,

  • qu'il a trompé les médiateurs internationaux,

  • et qu'il a transformé les Accords de Washington en simple outil stratégique.

Ce comportement correspond à une violation délibérée d'un cessez-le-feu (Vienne, Art. 26), mais aussi à ce que le droit international qualifie de :
tromperie institutionnalisée dans un cadre de négociation de paix.

6. Ce que Kagame prépare maintenant

Après la prise d'Uvira :

  • il demandera un cessez-le-feu,

  • il forcera une reprise des négociations (sous médiation du Qatar),

  • la RDC n'aura pas d'autre choix que d'accepter,

  • Kigali continuera à gérer simultanément les opérations militaires et la diplomatie.

Ce schéma est identique à celui observé dans :

  • le rapport du Groupe d'experts de l'ONU (2012) sur le soutien du Rwanda au M23,

  • les analyses de l'International Crisis Group,

  • les rapports de l'Union européenne sur l'instabilité du Kivu.

Il s'agit d'un cycle sans fin, dans lequel la RDC risque de rester piégée tant que la communauté internationale ne reconnaîtra pas la nature systémique de cette stratégie.

Références principales

  1. Nations unies – Groupe d'experts sur la RDC : rapports 2012, 2013, 2022, 2023.

  2. Nations unies – Mapping Report (2010).

  3. CST – Conseil de sécurité : Résolution 2098 (2013).

  4. Convention de Vienne sur le droit des traités (1969), Article 26.

  5. Accords d'Arusha pour la Paix au Rwanda (1993).

  6. ICTR – Conclusions et rapports sur la période de 1993–1994.

  7. Bruguière, J. – Rapport d'instruction sur l'attentat du 6 avril 1994 (2006).

  8. Trévidic, M. – Conclusions techniques sur l'attentat du Falcon 50 (2010).

  9. Reyntjens, F. – Political Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda.

  10. Davenport, C. & Stam, A. – Rwanda: What Really Happened (analyse quantitative).

  11. Human Rights Watch – Rapports 1994–2023 sur les opérations du FPR et du M23.

  12. Amnesty International – Rapports sur le Congo oriental et les interventions rwandaises.

[Rwanda Forum] Kagame yabeshye Abadepite, Abanyarwanda n’Abanyamahanga:

Kagame yabeshye Abadepite, Abanyarwanda n'Abanyamahanga:

Ibisobanuro ku mvugo ya Paul Kagame no kurenga ku masezerano ya Washington**

Uyu munsi, Paul Kagame ubwe yabitangarije imbere y'Abadepite ko Rwanda/M23 batangiye imirwano no gufata Uvira mbere y'uko ajya gusinya amasezerano ya Washington. Yongeyeho ko nubwo yasinyaga amasezerano, imirwano yakomeje kandi kugeza n'ubu igikorwa kigikomeje.
Kagame yemeza ko yagiye gusinya amasezerano mu gihe yari amaze gutangiza imirwano yo gufata Uvira, kandi ko n'abari bagiye gusinyana nta makuru bahawe, ku buryo ntawe washoboraga kugira icyo abivugaho kuko batari babizi.
Mu magambo ye bwite, agaragaje  ko we yari mu ntambara yo gufata Uvira ariko ntaho byavugwaga, abantu bose bari bazi ko hari agahenge kuko byasabwe n'amasezarano ya Doha. Intambara ye  ya rwishishwa yarakomeje mu gihe yasinyaga amasezerano.

Ibi byose, Kagame ubwe abyivugira, byerekana ibintu bitatu bikomeye:

1. Imirwano yari yateguwe mbere yo gusinya amasezerano

Kagame ubwe yemera ko gufata Uvira no gutangira imirwano atari igikorwa cy'impanuka cyangwa igikorwa cyabaye gitunguranye, ahubwo ko byari biteguwe mbere.
Ibi bisobanura ko ubwo yari i Washington mu muhango w'isinywa ry'amasezerano y'amahoro, yari azi neza ko ibyo asinya bitari bihuje n'ibikorwa nyayo biri gukorwa n'ingabo ze cyangwa M23.
Byerekana ko yasinyaga abeshya, kandi ko amasezerano atigeze aba igikoresho cyo kugarura amahoro, ahubwo yabaye uburyo bwo gukomeza imirwano yateguwe mu ibanga.

2. Yasinyiye amasezerano abeshya ko nta mirwano iri kuba

Ibyo Kagame yavuze uyu munsi bigaragaza neza ko:

  • Abari bahagarariye imishyikirano nta makuru bahawe ku mirwano Rwanda/M23 yari yatangije mbere yo gusinya.
  • Nubwo amasezerano asaba guhagarika imirwano, Kagame yasinye azi neza ko intambara ikomeje kandi ko Uvira irimo gufatwa.

Ibi ni uburiganya bwa dipolomasi, gutakaza icyizere, no guhinyura amahame y'amategeko mpuzamahanga asaba ko impande zombi zisinyira amahoro zisinyira mu kuri, mu mucyo no mu bwubahane.

3. Gukomeza intambara mu gihe ubyiyemerera ko wasinyaga ni ikimenyetso cy'ihonyorwa ry'amasezerano

Kagame yeruye avuga ko imirwano yakomeje no mu gihe yasinyaga amasezerano. Ibi bikaba bisobanura ko:

  • Nta cyubahiro yahawe amasezerano ya Washington,
  • Yasinye nta bushake bwo kuyubahiriza,
  • Yananiwe gutanga amakuru y'ukuri, ndetse anashyiraho uburyo bwo gutera urujijo mpuzamahanga kugira ngo amahanga yizere ko hari amahoro mu gihe we yakomezaga ibikorwa bye bya gisirikare.
  • Gutangiza imirwano rwihishwa ugafata Uvira ni ubugwari.

Mu mategeko mpuzamahanga, iyo impande isinyiye amahoro mu gihe yahishe amakuru, yabeshye cyangwa yakomeje ibikorwa by'intambara, ayo masezerano aba yarenzweho ku bushake. Uko niko bita deliberate violation of peace agreements through deception.

Icyo ibi bivuze ku masezerano ya Washington

Nubwo Kagame avuga ko nta masezerano ya Washington yishe, ubuhamya bwe bwivugiye burabihinyura:

  • Yatangije ibikorwa by'intambara mbere yo gusinya,
  • Yayikomeje mu gihe asinya,
  • Yananiwe kubimenyesha abari bahagarariye amasezerano,
  • Yasinye azi neza ko ibikubiye mu masezerano bitubahirijwe kuva ku munota wa mbere.

Ibi byose bihura neza n'icyo amategeko mpuzamahanga asobanura nk'igikorwa cyo guhonyora amasezerano wabigambiriye — violation of ceasefire or peace commitments through deliberate concealment.

Ni ukuvuga rero ko Kagame yishe amasezerano ya Washington, kuko:

  1. Yasinye azi neza ko intambara yatangiye.
  2. Yananiwe gutangaza amakuru y'ukuri mu gihe cy'isinywa.
  3. Yakomereje ibikorwa by'intambara mu gihe amasezerano yafatirwaga.

Nta kindi bisobanura uretse ugusenya amasezerano ku bushake.

Icyo Kagame azakurikizaho

Nyuma yo gufata Uvira,:

  • Kagame azahita asaba cessez-le-feu (guhagarika imirwano),
  • Asabe Qatar kongera gutangiza imishyikirano hagati ya Rwanda/M23 na RDC,
  • RDC izahita yemera ku gahato, kuko nta yandi mahitamo,
  • Bityo Kigali ikomeze gucunga umuvuduko w'intambara n'imishyikirano uko ishaka, mu buryo bwo kuburabuza RDC. Iyo ni Cycle RDC izahoramo.

 

 

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08 December 2025

[Rwanda Forum] La guerre diplomatique et militaire du Rwanda en RDC : intensification des offensives du M23/RDF pendant les voyages de Paul Kagame et Felix Tshisekedi

La guerre diplomatique et militaire du Rwanda en RDC : intensification des offensives du M23/RDF pendant les voyages de  Paul Kagame et Felix Tshisekedi, et les attitudes déguisées d'un dirigeant dont les stratégies sont pourtant connues de tous

Depuis plus de deux décennies, la crise de l'Est de la République démocratique du Congo s'inscrit dans un jeu géopolitique complexe où les dynamiques militaires, les stratégies diplomatiques et les discours politiques se croisent, se contredisent et se masquent mutuellement. Au centre de ces contradictions se trouve un phénomène que de nombreux chercheurs, diplomates, journalistes d'investigation et organismes internationaux ont documenté : les offensives du M23 — groupe armé soutenu selon plusieurs rapports par l'armée rwandaise (RDF) — s'intensifient précisément lorsque Paul Kagame est en voyage à l'étranger.

Plus récemment, une tendance similaire a émergé : les offensives du M23/RDF s'accélèrent également lorsque le président congolais Félix Tshisekedi se trouve hors du pays, soit pour des réunions internationales, des sommets politiques ou des missions diplomatiques.

Ces deux réalités, lorsqu'elles sont combinées, dévoilent une stratégie globale où la diplomatie et le calendrier politique deviennent des armes utilisées pour maximiser les gains militaires, brouiller les responsabilités, exploiter les vulnérabilités régionales et maintenir une façade internationale de respectabilité.

Mais au cœur de cette stratégie se trouve quelque chose de plus profond : les attitudes déguisées de Paul Kagame, qui nie systématiquement son implication dans la guerre en RDC, alors même que les preuves s'accumulent dans les rapports et que la communauté internationale sait pertinemment ce qu'il se passe. C'est un jeu d'ombres où tout le monde connaît la vérité, mais où la diplomatie, l'économie et les intérêts stratégiques étouffent toute condamnation ferme.

Lire La Suite

https://weimproveafrica.blogspot.com/2025/12/la-guerre-diplomatique-et-militaire-du.html

 

  

Diplomacy as a Weapon: How M23/RDF Offensives Intensify When Kagame and Tshisekedi Travel Abroad – and the Disguised Attitudes of Kagame That Everyone Knows Yet Few Dare to Confront

For more than two decades, the crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has unfolded within a web of geopolitical manoeuvres, military strategies, diplomatic theatrics, and narratives designed to obscure responsibilities. At the centre of this complex landscape lies a phenomenon observed repeatedly by international researchers, UN investigators, diplomats, journalists, and Congolese civilians alike: M23 offensives — supported, according to numerous United Nations reports, by the Rwandan Defence Force (RDF) — intensify precisely when Rwanda's President Paul Kagame travels abroad.

A second, equally troubling dynamic has emerged in recent years: M23/RDF offensives also escalate when DRC President Félix Tshisekedi travels abroad, whether for diplomatic missions, regional summits, or bilateral engagements. These patterns are not accidental. They form part of a deliberate, multi-layered strategy in which diplomacy, political timing, and military opportunism are woven together to maximise Rwanda's influence while weakening the Congolese state.

But beneath this strategy lies something deeper: the disguised attitudes of Paul Kagame — an overt denial of involvement in Congo's war, wrapped in polished diplomacy — attitudes that everyone recognises yet few governments confront openly. This dual reality defines one of the most cynical geopolitical crises of the modern African continent.

This 3,000-word document analyses the phenomenon through three dimensions:

1.                  The intensification of M23/RDF operations during Kagame's travels, and what this reveals about Rwanda's military structure.

2.                  The escalation of attacks during Tshisekedi's foreign missions and what this exposes about Congo's institutional vulnerabilities.

3.                  Kagame's disguised attitude — a posture of denial known to all but challenged by almost none — and how it shapes international responses.

More:  https://weimproveafrica.blogspot.com/2025/12/diplomacy-as-weapon-how-m23rdf.html

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Diplomacy as a Weapon: How M23/RDF Offensives Intensify When Kagame and Tshisekedi Travel Abroad

Diplomacy as a Weapon: How M23/RDF Offensives Intensify When Kagame and Tshisekedi Travel Abroad – and the Disguised Attitudes of Kagame That Everyone Knows Yet Few Dare to Confront

For more than two decades, the crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has unfolded within a web of geopolitical manoeuvres, military strategies, diplomatic theatrics, and narratives designed to obscure responsibilities. At the centre of this complex landscape lies a phenomenon observed repeatedly by international researchers, UN investigators, diplomats, journalists, and Congolese civilians alike: M23 offensives — supported, according to numerous United Nations reports, by the Rwandan Defence Force (RDF) — intensify precisely when Rwanda's President Paul Kagame travels abroad.

A second, equally troubling dynamic has emerged in recent years: M23/RDF offensives also escalate when DRC President Félix Tshisekedi travels abroad, whether for diplomatic missions, regional summits, or bilateral engagements. These patterns are not accidental. They form part of a deliberate, multi-layered strategy in which diplomacy, political timing, and military opportunism are woven together to maximise Rwanda's influence while weakening the Congolese state.

But beneath this strategy lies something deeper: the disguised attitudes of Paul Kagame — an overt denial of involvement in Congo's war, wrapped in polished diplomacy — attitudes that everyone recognises yet few governments confront openly. This dual reality defines one of the most cynical geopolitical crises of the modern African continent.

This 3,000-word document analyses the phenomenon through three dimensions:

  1. The intensification of M23/RDF operations during Kagame's travels, and what this reveals about Rwanda's military structure.
  2. The escalation of attacks during Tshisekedi's foreign missions and what this exposes about Congo's institutional vulnerabilities.
  3. Kagame's disguised attitude — a posture of denial known to all but challenged by almost none — and how it shapes international responses.

I. When Kagame Travels, M23 Attacks Intensify: The Anatomy of a Strategic Pattern

1. A pattern too consistent to ignore

Since the re-emergence of the M23 rebel movement in 2012 — and especially since its resurgence in 2021 — investigators have noticed a recurring pattern: whenever Paul Kagame travels abroad, M23 offensives in eastern Congo intensify noticeably.

These escalations are not random. They involve:

  • the capture of strategic towns,
  • the cutting of major supply routes,
  • coordinated assaults on FARDC positions,
  • heightened use of military drones,
  • and systematic displacement of civilians.

The timing is so consistent that it has become a geopolitical indicator in itself:
Kagame in Europe or the US → M23 gains ground in North Kivu.

2. Rwanda's military structure does not depend on Kagame's physical presence

Military analysts emphasise a crucial point: Kagame does not need to be in Rwanda for the RDF-M23 machinery to operate. Rwanda's military structure is:

  • highly centralised,
  • rigidly disciplined,
  • extremely loyal to Kagame,
  • and fully capable of executing pre-defined strategies autonomously.

Decisions made at the highest level flow down a narrow, controlled chain of command. Once orders and strategic objectives are set, operations proceed without interruption — whether Kagame is in Kigali, Doha, Washington, or Paris.

Thus, the intensification of attacks during Kagame's travels does not imply that he is directing operations from an aircraft or hotel room minute by minute. Rather, it demonstrates that:

The Rwandan military system supporting the M23 remains fully active, organised, and aligned with Kagame's strategic vision, even in his physical absence.

3. Kagame's foreign trips serve as political camouflage

One of the most revealing — and disturbing — aspects of this pattern is how Kagame's foreign missions offer him a convenient political shield. When he is seen on the world stage:

  • speaking about peace and stability,
  • advocating for African unity,
  • condemning insecurity in the region,
  • or promoting Rwanda as a model of progress,

it becomes easier for him to deny any involvement in the simultaneous military escalation in Congo.

It is a simple but effective tactic:
being elsewhere to deny involvement at home.

Diplomatically, this façade is powerful. Kagame presents himself as a responsible statesman while the RDF-supported M23 expands its territorial control.

4. Kagame's disguised attitude — known to all, confronted by none

Paul Kagame's public posture regarding the Congo war follows a predictable script:

  • He denies any Rwandan involvement.
  • He dismisses UN reports as politically biased.
  • He blames the FDLR for all instability.
  • He portrays Rwanda as a misunderstood victim.
  • He accuses Congo of failing to govern itself.

Yet behind closed doors, diplomats and international analysts acknowledge a very different truth:
Everyone knows Rwanda is deeply involved. Everyone knows the M23 is not an independent movement. Everyone knows the RDF supplies, trains, and sometimes directly commands its fighters.

Kagame's disguised attitude is therefore not ignorance — it is performance.
A diplomatic show.
A calculated fiction.
A mask worn deliberately because he knows the world will not challenge him seriously.

His confidence in this impunity has become part of the strategy itself.

II. When Tshisekedi Travels, M23 Makes Gains: Exploiting Congo's Structural Vulnerabilities

1. A military apparatus dependent on presidential presence

Unlike Rwanda's disciplined and vertical military, the FARDC suffers from:

  • chronic underfunding,
  • weak logistics,
  • corruption,
  • internal rivalries,
  • lack of unified command,
  • infiltration by foreign interests.

In such an environment, President Tshisekedi's presence is more than symbolic — it is operational. His role is crucial for:

  • consolidating command structures,
  • accelerating decision-making,
  • coordinating political-military responses,
  • maintaining pressure on senior officers.

When Tshisekedi travels abroad, the cohesion of the military apparatus weakens.

2. M23/RDF offensives intensify during these absences

M23/RDF commanders appear to understand this vulnerability perfectly. UN investigations document rapid advances of the rebel movement during periods when Tshisekedi is abroad, including:

  • major assaults on FARDC positions,
  • coordinated offensives targeting weakened sectors,
  • seizing of towns and villages with minimal resistance,
  • encirclement of strategic areas.

Examples include offensives around:

  • Bunagana,
  • Rutshuru,
  • Tongo,
  • Kishishe,
  • Nyanzale,
  • Mweso.

These attacks were not spontaneous but planned to coincide with moments when the Congolese political machine — already strained — becomes even less responsive.

3. A dual exploitation: Rwanda's strength vs. Congo's vulnerabilities

The contrast between the two states explains the strategic timing:

  • Rwanda's system is so centralised that Kagame's absence changes nothing.
  • Congo's system is so fragile that Tshisekedi's absence changes everything.

Thus, M23/RDF exploits:

  • Kagame's travel as diplomatic cover,
  • Tshisekedi's travel as an operational opening.

This dual mechanism allows the rebel movement to expand territorial control while avoiding immediate political consequences.

III. Kagame's Disguised Attitude: A Global Secret That Few Governments Dare Expose

1. Denial as a tool of statecraft

Kagame's behaviour in relation to Congo follows a well-crafted diplomatic choreography:

  1. Deny everything.
  2. Blame the FDLR.
  3. Frame Rwanda as a victim.
  4. Present Congo as irresponsible and chaotic.
  5. Accuse UN experts of bias.
  6. Promote Rwanda's image as disciplined and modern.

This formula has allowed him to maintain international partnerships, attract massive aid, and preserve his global reputation — even while international reports identify Rwanda as a destabilising force.

2. Everyone knows — and yet silence prevails

In diplomatic circles:

  • ambassadors know,
  • African Union officials know,
  • UN representatives know,
  • Western intelligence services know,
  • humanitarian organisations know,
  • Congolese civilians know intimately.

It is an open secret that Rwanda supports the M23.
But geopolitics — interests, alliances, minerals, military cooperation — prevents open condemnation.

Thus, Kagame's disguised attitude persists because it is politically convenient for powerful actors to look the other way.

3. Impunity as a strategic weapon

The absence of meaningful consequences emboldens the pattern:

  • Offensives intensify.
  • Rwanda denies involvement.
  • The international community hesitates.
  • The cycle repeats.

Kagame has understood that in a world driven by interests, denial is often as effective as truth, especially when backed by military power, economic networks, and control of narrative.

Conclusion: A War Fought in Three Arenas

The conflict in eastern Congo is not merely a battlefield confrontation. It is a multi-dimensional geopolitical struggle fought simultaneously across:

1. The diplomatic arena

Where Kagame uses foreign travel as political camouflage and Tshisekedi attempts to rally international support.

2. The institutional arena

Where Rwanda's disciplined system contrasts sharply with Congo's fragile military structures.

3. The psychological arena

Where Kagame's disguised attitudes — known to all, confronted by none — sustain a climate of impunity that enables the continuation of violence.

Understanding these layers is essential for any meaningful peace strategy.

References

  • United Nations Group of Experts on the DRC (reports: 2012, 2013, 2014, 2018, 2022, 2023).
  • Report S/2022/479 – Evidence of RDF involvement in M23 operations.
  • Report S/2023/573 – Documentation of logistical supply routes between Rwanda and M23.
  • Human Rights Watch (HRW), reports 2012–2024.
  • Amnesty International, North Kivu conflict assessments.
  • Global Witness, investigations on financial and mining networks linked to M23/RDF.
  • Congo Research Group (CRG), New York University.
  • International Crisis Group (ICG), reports on eastern DRC dynamics.
  • Rift Valley Institute (RVI), publications on Great Lakes political-military networks.
  • BBC Africa Eye, investigations on M23 and Rwanda.
  • Reuters investigative dossiers on RDF deployments.
  • The New York Times, geopolitical analyses of Rwanda's role.
  • Le Monde (France), detailed reporting on coordinated M23 offensives.

 

Re: [Rwanda Forum] Pourquoi le Rapport Mapping des Nations Unies sur la RDC a été enterré :

Amakuruyurwanda, Bite ko Link internet iganisha kuri Mapping report watweretse idafunguka ngo kuko itakibaho, ni mwebwe myayi buye...

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